Sabtu, 18 Mei 2019

Australia 2019 Election Live Updates: Will Voters Pick a New Path? - The New York Times

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Bill Shorten, left, the leader of the opposition, and Prime Minister Scott Morrison during a debate in Canberra, Australia, this month.CreditMick Tsikas/EPA, via Shutterstock

Tony Abbott, the former prime minister, lost the seat in Sydney’s northern beaches that he has held since 1994.

He was defeated by Zali Steggall, an independent candidate and a former Olympian who ran a vigorous campaign focused on the need to fight climate change.

Mr. Abbott, an avowed skeptic on climate change and a conservative stalwart, was pushed out of the leadership by Malcolm Turnbull, only to then help oust Mr. Turnbull as prime minister last year in the party coup that made Scott Morrison prime minister.

Mr. Abbott has long been a divisive figure. His departure is likely to make governing easier for whichever party wins control. — Damien Cave and Jamie Tarabay

Australians headed to the polls today to choose a new government. Here’s the key question:

Will the country, a vital American ally in the Asia-Pacific, keep its rightward path and re-elect the current conservative coalition? Or will voters choose change and the promise of greater action on climate change, along with more government intervention in the economy and the social safety net?

The two candidates at the top of the major-party tickets are both well known to Australians and (according to polls) not much beloved. Polls also indicated a close race, although the current prime minister was trailing.

Bill Shorten, 52, the opposition leader, is a lawyer and former trade union official.

He leads the center-left Labor Party and ran a campaign focused on making government more interventionist — not necessarily in the sense of spending, but on behalf of workers, aiming to lift wages and close tax loopholes benefiting investors and wealthy retirees.

Scott Morrison, 51, is the incumbent prime minister, and a former immigration minister and treasurer.

He leads the business-friendly Liberal Party (which is actually conservative), and he has been emphasizing stability, arguing that a Labor win would lead to economic chaos, and possibly the first recession in 27 years. — Damien Cave

[Want Australia news in your inbox? Sign up for the weekly Australia Letter.]

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Voters lining up at the St. Kilda Primary school in in Melbourne on Saturday.CreditAsanka Brendon Ratnayake for The New York Times
  • The economy: Polls show that voters are most concerned about the rising cost of living, especially housing. Wages have been stagnant for years, even as the economy has grown.

  • Climate change: Australia is more vulnerable to climate change than any other developed country, but for more than a decade, Parliament has struggled to enact a comprehensive energy and emissions reduction plan. The conservative coalition has proposed a climate solutions fund to help farmers and businesses; the opposition has promised to reduce pollution and expand renewable energy.

  • Social safety net: Health care, pensions and other elements of Australia’s social safety net are also of major concern to voters. Cutbacks by the conservative government have led to questions about what to prioritize: benefits for older voters, who tend to vote Liberal, or younger voters, who tend to support Labor. — Damien Cave

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The Labor leader, Bill Shorten, during an Election Day campaign stop at Carnegie Primary School in Melbourne.CreditLukas Coch/EPA, via Shutterstock

Bill Shorten, the Labor Party leader, voted in his hometown, Melbourne, this morning, and answered questions on morning television.

He said he was “confident there is a mood to vote for real change,” and he highlighted the two issues he thought would turn the election in his favor: the economy and climate change.

“At the moment in Australia, the rich are getting richer, but the middle class are getting squeezed and those on fixed incomes are just falling behind,” he said.

“I have a different economic plan for Australia,” he continued. “My view is that if everyone, men and women, people in the bush, people in the city, the young and the old, all get an equal go, then what happens is — that’s a rising tide that lifts all boats.”

He also said that “we’ve got to take action on climate change.” Damien Cave

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Campaign posters outside a polling booth in South Yarra, Melbourne.CreditAsanka Brendon Ratnayake for The New York Times

Prime Minister Scott Morrison started the day campaigning in Tasmania, where a few close races could decide who wins the day, and he emphasized what his Liberal Party has been emphasizing since the campaign started: stability and economic management. The alternative, if the opposition wins, is chaos, he said.

“Australians take their decision and their choice very seriously,” Mr. Morrison said. “And at this election they do have a choice today. They have a choice between myself and Bill Shorten as prime minister. A government that knows how to manage money and a Labor Party that has never proven they know how to manage money.”

Context: In the United States, a direct appeal to financial management might sound a little too close to Wall Street for mass appeal, but Australia has compulsory superannuation, which means all workers have retirement funds tied up in a public-private finance system. With the opposition calling for changes to tax breaks for retirees and housing investors, comments about money management are not just for the wealthy. Damien Cave

On their ballot sheets voters saw candidates from a confounding number of minor parties with agendas, such as internet activism, vaccine opposition, marijuana legalization and even xenophobia. And some have a decent chance of getting into Parliament.

Since 1918, the country has employed a preferential voting system: Voters rank the candidates they prefer from most to least, rather than simply checking a box for their first preference.

Candidates must get more than 50 percent of the total vote to be elected to the House of Representatives, where the majority party forms a government. To achieve this, candidates with the fewest votes are eliminated and the votes on those ballots are redistributed according to preference, a process that is repeated until a winner is produced.

In the Senate, candidates must receive a certain proportion of votes to be elected.

The system is designed to make sure that votes are not wasted, but it has also given minor parties more footing, experts say. Some have struck back-room deals with major parties that agree to give them preference in their “how to vote” guides.

While election analysts say that new rules adopted in 2016 may lead to a winnowing of these fringe players, some are still likely to be elected to the Senate through “protest” votes against the major parties. In the House of Representatives, the race seems likely to be close, meaning major parties are relying on their preference choices of minor groups to get them over the line.

What it all adds up to: If Australia ends up with a minority government, a conservative coalition might find itself beholden to populists and xenophobes, and a Labor coalition might have to make nice with marijuana legalizers and anti-vaxxers. — Livia Albeck-Ripka

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Kerryn Phelps, center right, an independent candidate, won a by-election in October for the seat of the former Liberal leader Malcolm Turnbull.CreditCole Bennetts/Getty Images

At polling stations in former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull’s electorate of Wentworth, lines began to swell Saturday morning as volunteers, and at least one candidate, walked up and down beside voters, pitching their policies.

“If there is a change in government, it’s much better to have a strong independent person in government battling for you rather than someone who has to toe the party lines,” said one voter, Lauren Lee, who voted for the independent candidate Kerryn Phelps, saying she liked her progressive stances on climate change and refugees.

Ms. Lee said that she had voted for both the Labor and Liberal parties in the past, but that the party coup that deposed Mr. Turnbull last year had left many people in the area with a negative impression of politics.

In a by-election in October, voters in the suburban Sydney district chose Ms. Phelps over contenders from the major parties for the seat vacated by Mr. Turnbull. The Wentworth loss cost the current prime minister, Scott Morrison, his single-seat majority in Parliament, pushing him into a minority government.

Ms. Phelps, a medical doctor who was the first woman and the first lesbian to be elected president of the Australian Medical Association, ran a campaign highlighting her position as an alternative to the status quo. — Isabella Kwai and Jacqueline Williams

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Julian Burnside, a candidate for the Greens, serving himself a sausage at a polling station in Melbourne. Election Day sausage sizzles are an Australian tradition.CreditAsanka Brendon Ratnayake for The New York Times

Kooyong, an affluent district east of downtown Melbourne, has been held by conservative politicians since the first federal election in 1901.

But at a local polling station in a primary school on Saturday morning, some longtime backers of the center-right Liberal Party — and others who expressed disenchantment with Australian politics — said that newcomer candidates promising action on climate change and other issues had changed their minds.

“The last two elections, I wrote on my ballot paper: I’m not voting for either of the major parties because of their treatment of refugees,” said Kate Robinson, 78, who said she was voting for the new Greens candidate Julian Burnside, a human rights lawyer.

Mr. Burnside, dressed in a gray suit with a kaffir lime leaf pinned to his lapel, stood in the line greeting voters. He and an independent candidate, Oliver Yates, were both campaigning on a primary platform of action against climate change.

But not all voters saw the new candidates as levelheaded alternatives to the major parties. “I believe it’s not time for change,” said Terry Winters, a Liberal voter and campaigner who has lived in Kooyong for three decades. — Livia Albeck-Ripka

At a polling station in the southern Sydney suburb of Hurstville, where nearly half of residents reported their heritage as Chinese, many voters and campaign volunteers could be heard conversing in Mandarin. There was no sign of a sausage sizzle — a quintessential Australian election tradition — but a lot of talk about Australian-Chinese relations.

Peter Bai, 41, cast his vote for the Liberal Party. “Liberal puts more emphasis on the economy, and has provided favorable policies for trade between China and Australia,” he said in Mandarin.

However, Mr. Bai, who works for a health care company that exports products to China, was worried about the Liberal Party’s foreign policy. “They have made strange remarks about matters like the South China Sea, which strained the bilateral relationship. It was completely unnecessary,” he said.

Anna Zhou, a 25-year-old accountant, said she looked forward to the friendlier approach to China promised by the Labor Party. “Does Australia really have a choice between China and the United States?” she asked.

“Geographically, it makes sense for us to be on good terms with China, though I understand in terms of defense we are aligned with the U.S.,” she said, adding, “We should stay in the middle.”

In this election, political parties prioritized reaching Chinese-Australian voters — there are more than a million people in Australia of Chinese descent — especially in swing seats with a significant Chinese-Australian population.

In the Melbourne district of Chisholm, voters will elect the first female Chinese-Australian member of the House of Representatives. The main candidates there for both major parties are Chinese-Australian women. Vicky Xiuzhong Xu

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Prime Minister Scott Morrison of Australia, center, and his wife Jenny in Ulverstone, Tasmania, on Saturday.CreditMick Tsikas/EPA, via Shutterstock

On the island of Tasmania, a few races may signal the ultimate outcome of the federal election.

Two seats, in Braddon and Bass, are seen as “volatile” since no party has been able to hold on to them for long. In the last national election, in 2016, the Liberal Party lost those two seats and a third one in Tasmania. The fate of Labor Party candidates in Tasmania may be a national bellwether.

Another Tasmanian race worth paying attention to is the one in Clark, where an independent, Andrew Wilkie, has held the seat since wresting it from the Labor Party in 2010.

Mr. Wilkie is a former intelligence officer who quit in protest over Australia’s decision to join the United States in the invasion of Iraq in 2003. If he wins, he is likely to have a significant role in the next government if neither the Labor Party nor the conservative coalition of the Liberal and National parties garners enough votes to govern alone. — Jamie Tarabay

Want more Australia coverage and discussion? Sign up for the weekly Australia Letter, start your day with your local Morning Briefing and join us in our Facebook group.

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https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/17/world/australia/election-day.html

2019-05-18 10:07:30Z
52780298696782

Kamis, 16 Mei 2019

2019 election: Why politics is toxic for Australia’s women - BBC News

Australian women in politics have had enough.

A slew of allegations of sexist bullying and misogyny have emerged in recent years, while at the same time the country has steadily tumbled down the global rankings for female political representation.

Australia has tended to favour "larrikin" and "aggressor" MPs who thrive in the "rough-and-tumble" atmosphere of Canberra. But women MPs are increasingly saying that's a culture in dire need of change.

As the country prepares to go to the polls on Saturday, the BBC looks at what's come to be known as the "women problem" in Australian politics.

Sarah Hanson-Young was 25 when she won a seat in Australia's Senate in 2007, the youngest woman ever to do so.

The Greens member has always been a forthright voice on progressive issues and women's rights, but she has spoken extensively about how this was against a backdrop of mutterings from male opponents "about my dress, my body, and my supposed sex life".

She had largely ignored them, choosing the well-trodden path of rising above it all. But an exchange in parliament last year proved the final straw.

It happened during a debate on women's safety following a murder which shocked the nation. A young comedian walking home late at night had been killed by a stranger.

Ms Hanson-Young said women wouldn't need extra protection if men didn't rape them.

In response, an older male senator called out: "You should stop shagging men, Sarah."

Liberal Democrat Senator David Leyonhjelm - known for revelling in his controversial remarks - refused to apologise when confronted by Ms Hanson-Young, who is divorced with a child. He instead repeated his comments and other explicit claims in TV and radio interviews.

He accused her of hypocrisy. She accused him of "slut-shaming" - where slurs about a women's alleged sexual activities are used to demean or silence her.

Ms Hanson-Young said her 11-year-old daughter was asked at school whether her mum had "lots of boyfriends".

"I decided at that moment I'd had enough of men in that place using sexism and sexist slurs, sexual innuendo as part of their intimidation and bullying on the floor of the parliament," the senator said in a later interview.

She is suing Mr Leyonhjelm for defamation, on the grounds that he had attacked her character by suggesting she was a hypocrite and a misandrist (man-hater), and by repeatedly accusing her of making the claim that all men were rapists. Mr Leyonhjelm has consistently denied defaming her.

Ms Hanson-Young says she took the action because she is in a powerful enough position to do so whereas many women who encounter such comments at work are not.

"If we can't clean it up in our nation's parliament, well, where can we do it?"

'Suffered in silence for too long'

Australian politics is known to be rambunctious, with plain speaking considered a national trait.

But female lawmakers say the comments and treatment they receive can often be explicitly gendered in nature, can border on abuse or intimidation and do not happen to their male counterparts.

When one woman sensationally quit the ruling Liberal-led government last year, she sparked something of a groundswell revolt.

Australia, a hotspot of political coups, had just witnessed Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull's ousting by party rivals. Julia Banks felt she had to act after experiencing the vicious infighting.

She pointed the finger at the "scourge of cultural and gender bias, bullying and intimidation" saying: "Women have suffered in silence for too long."

She was later backed up by other women in the government, including the party's deputy Julie Bishop who described "appalling" behaviour. One female senator threatened to name bullies, while the Minister for Women Kelly O'Dwyer confirmed allegations of bullying and intimidation.

The Liberal women have scotched suggestions that they're just not up to the "rough-and-tumble" of politics, as one of their male colleagues put it.

"The hallmark characteristics of the Australian woman… are resilience and a strong authentic independent spirit," blazed Ms Banks as she moved to the crossbench.

For her, it's proof that it's time for parliamentary culture to change. And that the only way to do that is "equal representation of men and women in this parliament".

Representation fight

When it comes to gender diversity, Australia's parliament is flagging.

Women - crucially, excluding indigenous Australians and most women of colour - first won the right to run in federal elections in 1902. But it took four decades - and 29 other countries do it first - before Australian women would actually win seats.

Female representation in Australia's parliament

Percentage of women in each chamber

They have always won more in the Senate because, say experts, it uses proportional voting by state - whereas the lower house has distinct electorates.

The current parliament has reached an all-time high for percentage of women MPs.

But when it comes to its international standing, Australia has fallen behind. In the past 20 years it's slumped from 15th in the world to 50th for parliamentary gender diversity.

Overall, that's partly due to a lack of pressure on both parties, says Dr Jill Sheppard, a political scientist at the Australian National University.

A recent Australian Broadcasting Corporation survey found significant support among women - though not men - for measures to improve the deficit.

Labor has such a mechanism. It introduced an affirmative action quota in 1994 and is now close to 50% representation - about double the proportion of women in the government. At Saturday's election, women will contest 31% of its safe seats, according to election analyst Ben Raue.

The Liberal-National coalition may even see a dip in female representation, some analysts say. The coalition has put up women in only 16% of its safe seats, Mr Raue says.

"The Liberal Party is the drag here," says Dr Sheppard, when asked about the nation's fall in global diversity rankings.

She says the party tends to view its successful women "as almost unicorns - tremendous women who can't be replicated".

The party is seeking parity by 2025, but it is ideologically resistant to the idea of mandatory quotas and wants change to happen more organically.

"We don't want to see women rise only on the basis of others doing worse," said party leader and Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, in a speech on International Women's Day.

He drew considerable criticism for the remarks, which were seen as implying men shouldn't lose out to allow women to move up.

Targeted at the top

This is not a new issue for women in Canberra.

Natasha Stott Despoja joined parliament in 1995 at age 26, when women made up just 14% of the room.

In her 13 years as a senator, during which she became leader of the Australian Democrats, sexism was "endemic" in the political culture, she says.

"It ranged from male senators saying to me 'you really should wear skirts' to another senator referring to me only as 'mother' once I had children," she told the BBC.

After leaving parliament, she went on to be Australia's representative advancing women's rights around the world. She observed other nations' progress while watching the harassment continue at home.

"The single biggest disappointment for me has been the slow pace of change," she says.

Many thought Australia had turned a corner when Julia Gillard became the first female prime minister in 2010.

Ms Gillard achieved many reforms in a tough three years of minority government. But her seizure of the top job - ousting Kevin Rudd in a party coup - haunted her reputation and public legitimacy.

Opponents and some media regularly portrayed her as a Lady Macbeth figure - a characterisation that invokes latent fears about ambitious women. Debate over policies like a contentious carbon tax often degenerated into personal and gendered attacks.

She was "routinely demonised" for being unmarried and "childless" in office, say Associate Prof Cheryl Collier from the University of Windsor and Associate Prof Tracey Raney from Ryerson University, both in Canada.

Such terms "are rarely if ever used to describe male heads of state", they say in a 2018 report which compared the treatment of women MPs in Australia, UK and Canada.

Throughout her time in power the prime minister was called by her critics and opponents:

  • "a lying cow"
  • "a menopausal monster"
  • "deliberately barren"
  • a "bitch" and "Ju-liar"

The fixation with her appearance at times was unashamedly lewd - a Liberal party fundraising dinner included a "Julia Gillard" menu item with explicit references to parts of her body. It also descended into violent imagery - one TV commentator said Australians "ought to be out there kicking her to death". Another high-profile radio host said she should be "put into a chaff bag and thrown into the sea".

The academics suggest the vitriol was so intense because Ms Gillard challenged the Australian stereotype of a good leader.

"Even women who have reached the top of the political ladder are working within an institution that privileges masculinity," say Prof Collier and Prof Raney.

In 2012, Ms Gillard confronted the sexist, misogynistic attacks in a searing speech in parliament. It reverberated around the world, and to this day girls in Young Labor can quote it like a chant.

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But in her final speech as prime minister, after she had been removed by her party, she was stoic about the impact her gender had had on her time in office.

"It doesn't explain everything, it doesn't explain nothing, it explains some things. And it is for the nation to think in a sophisticated way about those shades of grey."

Leadership ideals

So is the problem just how things are done in parliament, or is it a wider issue about Australian culture?

It's telling that the most senior female politicians in the past decade - Ms Gillard from Labor and Julie Bishop, a former Liberal deputy - do not have children.

In a country the size of Australia, parliamentary life for MPs based far from Canberra is especially taxing on families, a challenge which tends to be particularly hard for women to overcome.

In the past year, several MPs - including Ms O'Dwyer but also a male MP - left parliament saying the job was incompatible with family life.

But Dr Sonia Palmieri, a gender politics researcher at the 50/50 by 2030 Foundation - which wants to "achieve gender parity in leadership" - says unacknowledged bias remains the fundamental problem.

"Our system always seems to assume that our political actors are gender neutral - when in fact they revolve around standards which are masculine and of course that excludes and shuts out women," she says.

Dr Palmieri argues this is partly because of specific notions of good political leadership in Australia.

She suggests there are roughly two types of accepted leader styles.

The first is the idea of the "larrikin" politician, a unique Australian term for a boisterous person - usually a man - whose bad behaviour is excused as disregard for convention.

Larrikins are seen as endearing in Australian culture, argues Dr Palmieri. There remains a cultural fascination with leaders such Prime Minister Bob Hawke - who could famously down a beer in seconds, and joked that the nation's workers deserved a day off after a landmark sporting victory.

The second accepted leader is the aggressor - the acerbic politician revered for their ability to cut down the other side in parliamentary debate.

Prime ministers such as Paul Keating and Tony Abbott were noted for their attacking rhetoric in parliamentary debates although their styles widely differed.

Larrikins and aggro fit within the wider stereotypes of Australian identity, says political researcher Blair Williams from the Australian National University.

"We have these models of football players, surf lifesavers, that sort of blokey masculinity that someone like Tony Abbott definitely displayed. But it leaves women out."

Aggression and even ambition are seen as unbecoming in women, says Dr Palmieri.

She too points to Ms Gillard, who was not only attacked for how she attained power - despite previous male leaders having seized control that way - but then wasn't given the opportunity to show a different model of leadership to the public.

Some have also pointed out double standards in the treatment of Emma Husar, a Labor MP forced to resign last year after a news story made a salacious sexual harassment claim.

The report broke mistreatment claims, but focused on the MP's sex life.

Ms Husar, a single mother, later said the "slut-shaming smears" ended her career. Her party asked her to step down less than two days after the report, she said.

A subsequent Labor investigation found no evidence of sexual harassment, but said "complaints that staff were subjected to unreasonable management… have merit".

More on Australia's election:

Dr Sheppard says both major parties are held back by traditional assumptions about women.

Party organisers fast-track men to office while "throwing obstacles in the path of women candidates", she says.

"They're not doing it deliberately, rather they're acting on decades of ingrained behaviour and what they're used to." Men are just seen as the safer option.

However, her research shows that women are very electable. Her survey of more than 2,000 Australians in 2018 found that when other markers were equal, women candidates were actually more popular than men.

She refers to Scandinavian countries when she suggests that women in politics will become normalised once levels reach 30-40%. This is already the case for Labor, she says, while the Liberal party "has another 20 years to go".

"We're not there yet, but what we are seeing in Australia is quite rapid generational shift.

"I hope in 15 to 20 years, it won't even be talked about as an issue."

'You need to be a bit brave'

Does this give hope to young women aspiring to enter politics?

In her school years Megan Stevens, 19 harboured ambitions of a career in parliament and is now studying politics at the University of Melbourne.

But increasingly she feels that she would be "more comfortable" working behind the scenes as a political staffer.

"How they treated Julia Gillard really put me off," she says.

The same goes for Liliana Tai, the University of Sydney student union president and a debating champion who interned at parliament over the summer.

She says pursuing a career in "real" politics is an almost overwhelming prospect.

Ms Tai fears that the cultural change needed to allow someone like her, a young, Chinese-Australian woman, to become an elected representative "may not be achieved in our lifetime".

"People think of leaders as what they're familiar with and what they know and historically that's been predominantly male, predominantly Anglo people," she says.

She believes that both parties still cater towards stereotypes in selecting candidates.

"I think they fixate so much on electability that they prioritise what they think people want and that leads to a pernicious cycle of not having change."

"But you need to be a bit brave, and go out on a limb and give that new person a chance."

Last year, the failed leadership bid by the government's most powerful woman, Julie Bishop, proved to Ms Tai that merit isn't enough.

Ms Bishop was deputy to four successive male party leaders over 11 years. An MP for two decades, she also served as Australia's first female foreign minister.

But she resigned from the front bench last year after losing a leadership battle to Scott Morrison. Her prospects were dashed by colleagues who tactically voted to keep another man out.

The Australian Financial Review called her: "The female Prime Minister who never was".

On the day of her resignation, she wore scarlet heels.

Whatever the politics of the events, a photograph of the lavish shoes, amid a sea of brogues and dark suits, became an iconic image of a lone woman cut out of power.

Australia's Museum of Democracy later exhibited the shoes, along with the photo, which they said were "a bold statement and a symbol of solidarity and empowerment among Australian women".

Ms Tai says she also took some hope from Ms Bishop's departure.

She mentions her final parliamentary speech, where the outgoing MP said public office was "one of the highest callings".

"I really resonated with that because that's what I believe too," says Ms Tai.

"Being in parliament is still the best way to represent people and bring about change."

Edited by Jay Savage and Anna Jones

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https://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-48197145

2019-05-16 13:59:18Z
CBMiMWh0dHBzOi8vd3d3LmJiYy5jb20vbmV3cy93b3JsZC1hdXN0cmFsaWEtNDgxOTcxNDXSATVodHRwczovL3d3dy5iYmMuY29tL25ld3MvYW1wL3dvcmxkLWF1c3RyYWxpYS00ODE5NzE0NQ

2019 election: Why politics is toxic for Australia’s women - BBC News

Australian women in politics have had enough.

A slew of allegations of sexist bullying and misogyny have emerged in recent years, while at the same time the country has steadily tumbled down the global rankings for female political representation.

Australia has tended to favour "larrikin" and "aggressor" MPs who thrive in the "rough-and-tumble" atmosphere of Canberra. But women MPs are increasingly saying that's a culture in dire need of change.

As the country prepares to go to the polls on Saturday, the BBC looks at what's come to be known as the "women problem" in Australian politics.

Sarah Hanson-Young was 25 when she won a seat in Australia's Senate in 2007, the youngest woman ever to do so.

The Greens member has always been a forthright voice on progressive issues and women's rights, but she has spoken extensively about how this was against a backdrop of mutterings from male opponents "about my dress, my body, and my supposed sex life".

She had largely ignored them, choosing the well-trodden path of rising above it all. But an exchange in parliament last year proved the final straw.

It happened during a debate on women's safety following a murder which shocked the nation. A young comedian walking home late at night had been killed by a stranger.

Ms Hanson-Young said women wouldn't need extra protection if men didn't rape them.

In response, an older male senator called out: "You should stop shagging men, Sarah."

Liberal Democrat Senator David Leyonhjelm - known for revelling in his controversial remarks - refused to apologise when confronted by Ms Hanson-Young, who is divorced with a child. He instead repeated his comments and other explicit claims in TV and radio interviews.

He accused her of hypocrisy. She accused him of "slut-shaming" - where slurs about a women's alleged sexual activities are used to demean or silence her.

Ms Hanson-Young said her 11-year-old daughter was asked at school whether her mum had "lots of boyfriends".

"I decided at that moment I'd had enough of men in that place using sexism and sexist slurs, sexual innuendo as part of their intimidation and bullying on the floor of the parliament," the senator said in a later interview.

She is suing Mr Leyonhjelm for defamation, on the grounds that he had attacked her character by suggesting she was a hypocrite and a misandrist (man-hater), and by repeatedly accusing her of making the claim that all men were rapists. Mr Leyonhjelm has consistently denied defaming her.

Ms Hanson-Young says she took the action because she is in a powerful enough position to do so whereas many women who encounter such comments at work are not.

"If we can't clean it up in our nation's parliament, well, where can we do it?"

'Suffered in silence for too long'

Australian politics is known to be rambunctious, with plain speaking considered a national trait.

But female lawmakers say the comments and treatment they receive can often be explicitly gendered in nature, can border on abuse or intimidation and do not happen to their male counterparts.

When one woman sensationally quit the ruling Liberal-led government last year, she sparked something of a groundswell revolt.

Australia, a hotspot of political coups, had just witnessed Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull's ousting by party rivals. Julia Banks felt she had to act after experiencing the vicious infighting.

She pointed the finger at the "scourge of cultural and gender bias, bullying and intimidation" saying: "Women have suffered in silence for too long."

She was later backed up by other women in the government, including the party's deputy Julie Bishop who described "appalling" behaviour. One female senator threatened to name bullies, while the Minister for Women Kelly O'Dwyer confirmed allegations of bullying and intimidation.

The Liberal women have scotched suggestions that they're just not up to the "rough-and-tumble" of politics, as one of their male colleagues put it.

"The hallmark characteristics of the Australian woman… are resilience and a strong authentic independent spirit," blazed Ms Banks as she moved to the crossbench.

For her, it's proof that it's time for parliamentary culture to change. And that the only way to do that is "equal representation of men and women in this parliament".

Representation fight

When it comes to gender diversity, Australia's parliament is flagging.

Women - crucially, excluding indigenous Australians and most women of colour - first won the right to run in federal elections in 1902. But it took four decades - and 29 other countries do it first - before Australian women would actually win seats.

Female representation in Australia's parliament

Percentage of women in each chamber

They have always won more in the Senate because, say experts, it uses proportional voting by state - whereas the lower house has distinct electorates.

The current parliament has reached an all-time high for percentage of women MPs.

But when it comes to its international standing, Australia has fallen behind. In the past 20 years it's slumped from 15th in the world to 50th for parliamentary gender diversity.

Overall, that's partly due to a lack of pressure on both parties, says Dr Jill Sheppard, a political scientist at the Australian National University.

A recent Australian Broadcasting Corporation survey found significant support among women - though not men - for measures to improve the deficit.

Labor has such a mechanism. It introduced an affirmative action quota in 1994 and is now close to 50% representation - about double the proportion of women in the government. At Saturday's election, women will contest 31% of its safe seats, according to election analyst Ben Raue.

The Liberal-National coalition may even see a dip in female representation, some analysts say. The coalition has put up women in only 16% of its safe seats, Mr Raue says.

"The Liberal Party is the drag here," says Dr Sheppard, when asked about the nation's fall in global diversity rankings.

She says the party tends to view its successful women "as almost unicorns - tremendous women who can't be replicated".

The party is seeking parity by 2025, but it is ideologically resistant to the idea of mandatory quotas and wants change to happen more organically.

"We don't want to see women rise only on the basis of others doing worse," said party leader and Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, in a speech on International Women's Day.

He drew considerable criticism for the remarks, which were seen as implying men shouldn't lose out to allow women to move up.

Targeted at the top

This is not a new issue for women in Canberra.

Natasha Stott Despoja joined parliament in 1995 at age 26, when women made up just 14% of the room.

In her 13 years as a senator, during which she became leader of the Australian Democrats, sexism was "endemic" in the political culture, she says.

"It ranged from male senators saying to me 'you really should wear skirts' to another senator referring to me only as 'mother' once I had children," she told the BBC.

After leaving parliament, she went on to be Australia's representative advancing women's rights around the world. She observed other nations' progress while watching the harassment continue at home.

"The single biggest disappointment for me has been the slow pace of change," she says.

Many thought Australia had turned a corner when Julia Gillard became the first female prime minister in 2010.

Ms Gillard achieved many reforms in a tough three years of minority government. But her seizure of the top job - ousting Kevin Rudd in a party coup - haunted her reputation and public legitimacy.

Opponents and some media regularly portrayed her as a Lady Macbeth figure - a characterisation that invokes latent fears about ambitious women. Debate over policies like a contentious carbon tax often degenerated into personal and gendered attacks.

She was "routinely demonised" for being unmarried and "childless" in office, say Associate Prof Cheryl Collier from the University of Windsor and Associate Prof Tracey Raney from Ryerson University, both in Canada.

Such terms "are rarely if ever used to describe male heads of state", they say in a 2018 report which compared the treatment of women MPs in Australia, UK and Canada.

Throughout her time in power the prime minister was called by her critics and opponents:

  • "a lying cow"
  • "a menopausal monster"
  • "deliberately barren"
  • a "bitch" and "Ju-liar"

The fixation with her appearance at times was unashamedly lewd - a Liberal party fundraising dinner included a "Julia Gillard" menu item with explicit references to parts of her body. It also descended into violent imagery - one TV commentator said Australians "ought to be out there kicking her to death". Another high-profile radio host said she should be "put into a chaff bag and thrown into the sea".

The academics suggest the vitriol was so intense because Ms Gillard challenged the Australian stereotype of a good leader.

"Even women who have reached the top of the political ladder are working within an institution that privileges masculinity," say Prof Collier and Prof Raney.

In 2012, Ms Gillard confronted the sexist, misogynistic attacks in a searing speech in parliament. It reverberated around the world, and to this day girls in Young Labor can quote it like a chant.

Media playback is unsupported on your device

But in her final speech as prime minister, after she had been removed by her party, she was stoic about the impact her gender had had on her time in office.

"It doesn't explain everything, it doesn't explain nothing, it explains some things. And it is for the nation to think in a sophisticated way about those shades of grey."

Leadership ideals

So is the problem just how things are done in parliament, or is it a wider issue about Australian culture?

It's telling that the most senior female politicians in the past decade - Ms Gillard from Labor and Julie Bishop, a former Liberal deputy - do not have children.

In a country the size of Australia, parliamentary life for MPs based far from Canberra is especially taxing on families, a challenge which tends to be particularly hard for women to overcome.

In the past year, several MPs - including Ms O'Dwyer but also a male MP - left parliament saying the job was incompatible with family life.

But Dr Sonia Palmieri, a gender politics researcher at the 50/50 by 2030 Foundation - which wants to "achieve gender parity in leadership" - says unacknowledged bias remains the fundamental problem.

"Our system always seems to assume that our political actors are gender neutral - when in fact they revolve around standards which are masculine and of course that excludes and shuts out women," she says.

Dr Palmieri argues this is partly because of specific notions of good political leadership in Australia.

She suggests there are roughly two types of accepted leader styles.

The first is the idea of the "larrikin" politician, a unique Australian term for a boisterous person - usually a man - whose bad behaviour is excused as disregard for convention.

Larrikins are seen as endearing in Australian culture, argues Dr Palmieri. There remains a cultural fascination with leaders such Prime Minister Bob Hawke - who could famously down a beer in seconds, and joked that the nation's workers deserved a day off after a landmark sporting victory.

The second accepted leader is the aggressor - the acerbic politician revered for their ability to cut down the other side in parliamentary debate.

Prime ministers such as Paul Keating and Tony Abbott were noted for their attacking rhetoric in parliamentary debates although their styles widely differed.

Larrikins and aggro fit within the wider stereotypes of Australian identity, says political researcher Blair Williams from the Australian National University.

"We have these models of football players, surf lifesavers, that sort of blokey masculinity that someone like Tony Abbott definitely displayed. But it leaves women out."

Aggression and even ambition are seen as unbecoming in women, says Dr Palmieri.

She too points to Ms Gillard, who was not only attacked for how she attained power - despite previous male leaders having seized control that way - but then wasn't given the opportunity to show a different model of leadership to the public.

Some have also pointed out double standards in the treatment of Emma Husar, a Labor MP forced to resign last year after a news story made a salacious sexual harassment claim.

The report broke mistreatment claims, but focused on the MP's sex life.

Ms Husar, a single mother, later said the "slut-shaming smears" ended her career. Her party asked her to step down less than two days after the report, she said.

A subsequent Labor investigation found no evidence of sexual harassment, but said "complaints that staff were subjected to unreasonable management… have merit".

More on Australia's election:

Dr Sheppard says both major parties are held back by traditional assumptions about women.

Party organisers fast-track men to office while "throwing obstacles in the path of women candidates", she says.

"They're not doing it deliberately, rather they're acting on decades of ingrained behaviour and what they're used to." Men are just seen as the safer option.

However, her research shows that women are very electable. Her survey of more than 2,000 Australians in 2018 found that when other markers were equal, women candidates were actually more popular than men.

She refers to Scandinavian countries when she suggests that women in politics will become normalised once levels reach 30-40%. This is already the case for Labor, she says, while the Liberal party "has another 20 years to go".

"We're not there yet, but what we are seeing in Australia is quite rapid generational shift.

"I hope in 15 to 20 years, it won't even be talked about as an issue."

'You need to be a bit brave'

Does this give hope to young women aspiring to enter politics?

In her school years Megan Stevens, 19 harboured ambitions of a career in parliament and is now studying politics at the University of Melbourne.

But increasingly she feels that she would be "more comfortable" working behind the scenes as a political staffer.

"How they treated Julia Gillard really put me off," she says.

The same goes for Liliana Tai, the University of Sydney student union president and a debating champion who interned at parliament over the summer.

She says pursuing a career in "real" politics is an almost overwhelming prospect.

Ms Tai fears that the cultural change needed to allow someone like her, a young, Chinese-Australian woman, to become an elected representative "may not be achieved in our lifetime".

"People think of leaders as what they're familiar with and what they know and historically that's been predominantly male, predominantly Anglo people," she says.

She believes that both parties still cater towards stereotypes in selecting candidates.

"I think they fixate so much on electability that they prioritise what they think people want and that leads to a pernicious cycle of not having change."

"But you need to be a bit brave, and go out on a limb and give that new person a chance."

Last year, the failed leadership bid by the government's most powerful woman, Julie Bishop, proved to Ms Tai that merit isn't enough.

Ms Bishop was deputy to four successive male party leaders over 11 years. An MP for two decades, she also served as Australia's first female foreign minister.

But she resigned from the front bench last year after losing a leadership battle to Scott Morrison. Her prospects were dashed by colleagues who tactically voted to keep another man out.

The Australian Financial Review called her: "The female Prime Minister who never was".

On the day of her resignation, she wore scarlet heels.

Whatever the politics of the events, a photograph of the lavish shoes, amid a sea of brogues and dark suits, became an iconic image of a lone woman cut out of power.

Australia's Museum of Democracy later exhibited the shoes, along with the photo, which they said were "a bold statement and a symbol of solidarity and empowerment among Australian women".

Ms Tai says she also took some hope from Ms Bishop's departure.

She mentions her final parliamentary speech, where the outgoing MP said public office was "one of the highest callings".

"I really resonated with that because that's what I believe too," says Ms Tai.

"Being in parliament is still the best way to represent people and bring about change."

Edited by Jay Savage and Anna Jones

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https://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-48197145

2019-05-16 12:56:05Z
CBMiMWh0dHBzOi8vd3d3LmJiYy5jb20vbmV3cy93b3JsZC1hdXN0cmFsaWEtNDgxOTcxNDXSATVodHRwczovL3d3dy5iYmMuY29tL25ld3MvYW1wL3dvcmxkLWF1c3RyYWxpYS00ODE5NzE0NQ

Bob Hawke, former Australian prime minister, dead at 89 - CNN

Known affectionately as "Hawkie," Hawke was Australia's Prime Minister from 1983 to 1991, winning four elections and becoming the country's third longest-serving leader.
His wife, Blanche D'Alpuget, released a statement on Thursday describing her husband as "the greatest Australian of the post-war era."
"Bob Hawke and Paul Keating and their governments modernised the Australian economy, paving the way for an unprecedented period of recession-free economic growth and job creation," her statement said.
Bob Hawke takes a drink at the launch of Hawke's Lager at Sydney's Clock Hotel in April 2017.
A Rhodes scholar who graduated from Oxford University in 1956, Hawke quickly rose through the ranks of Australia's trade union movement to become the President of the Australian Council of Trade Unions in 1970, according to the Museum of Australian Democracy.
In 1983, after serving in parliament for just three years, he became Australia's Prime Minister in a landslide election victory.
That success revived Hawke's Labor Party, ushering in a sustained period of rule that lasted until 1996.
Hawke served as Prime Minister for almost nine of those 13 years, winning three more polls in the process and cementing his legacy as the party's longest-serving and most electorally successful leader.
In a political landscape that sees regular elections and frequent leadership contests, Hawke's longevity can be matched only by Liberal Prime Ministers Robert Menzies and John Howard.
But Hawke was as famous for his colorful character as his political achievements, his bouffant hair and cheeky sense of humor ensuring that he has endured in the country's affections long after his career came to a close.
He reportedly held the world record for skulling a yard of beer in the quickest time when he was a student at Oxford.
And when an Australian yacht won the America's Cup in September 1983, Hawke famously declared, "Any boss who sacks anyone for not turning up today is a bum" -- a comment that has forever been affectionately associated with the leader.
"Bob Hawke was a great Australian who led and served our country with passion, courage, and an intellectual horsepower that made our country stronger," the country's current Prime Minister Scott Morrison said.
"He was true to his beliefs in the Labor tradition and defined the politics of his generation and beyond," Morrison added. "He had a unique ability to speak to all Australians and will be greatly missed."
Former Australian Prime Minister Bob Hawke makes a speech during the launch of his biography "Hawke: The Prime Minister" at The Wharf on July 12, 2010 in Sydney, Australia.
Hawke was a major economic reformer who, alongside his then-treasurer Paul Keating, liberalized the Australian economy and made the landmark decision to float the Australian dollar.
He also brought in universal healthcare for all Australian citizens, establishing the Medicare system in 1984.
Hawke placed an emphasis on Aboriginal affairs during his years in office, and briefly re-entered the political fray in 2008 to witness a long-awaited apology to the Aboriginal community, made by then-Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, for years of mistreatment.
Keating, Hawke's right-hand man through nine years of economic reform, ultimately took his job as leader of the Labor Party in a 1991 coup.
But Hawke remained one of Australia's most popular Prime Ministers. He was regularly invited to quickly drink beers at major sporting events by attendees, invariably to huge cheers and applause.
In a statement, current opposition Labor leader Bill Shorten -- gearing up to contest an election on Saturday -- said that "the Australian people loved Bob Hawke because they knew Bob loved them."
"In Australian history, in Australian politics, there will always be B.H. and A.H: Before Hawke and After Hawke. After Hawke, we were a different country. A kinder, better, bigger and bolder country," he said.

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https://www.cnn.com/2019/05/16/asia/bob-hawke-australia-prime-minister-intl/index.html

2019-05-16 11:51:00Z
CAIiEAo6qsspVJvktiLwikJgnBgqGQgEKhAIACoHCAowocv1CjCSptoCMPrTpgU

Australia's former PM Bob Hawke dies at 89 - BBC News

Former Australian prime minister and Labor Party leader Bob Hawke, who dominated the country's politics in the 1980s, has died at the age of 89.

The charismatic politician, renowned for his love of beer and cricket, served from 1983 to 1991 and is credited with modernising the economy.

He was the centre-left Labor Party's longest-serving PM, who achieved the highest approval ratings of any PM.

His wife said in a statement that he died "peacefully at home".

"Today we lost Bob Hawke, a great Australian - many would say the greatest Australian of the post-war era," Blanche d'Alpuget said in a statement.

Mr Hawke joined the Labor Party at 18 in 1947 and would go on to win a Rhodes Scholarship to the University of Oxford in 1953.

He later joined the trade union movement, rising to become president of the Australian Council of Trade Unions by 1969.

He first won a seat in parliament in 1980 and became Labor leader in 1983. He and Labor won a general election by a landslide soon after.

Mr Hawke was known for his maverick style and will be remembered as Australia's "larrikin" leader - the prime minister who loved a drink and joke, and made the serious work of politics look like fun.

He set a world record for drinking a yard (1.4l) of beer in 11 seconds while at Oxford University, and he would still perform his party trick of downing a glass of beer at cricket matches well into his late 80s.

He cried publicly a number of times - most famously in 1989 at a memorial service at Parliament House following the crackdown on Chinese students at Beijing's Tiananmen square.

But his playful manner belied a sharp political mind: during eight years in power, he introduced pension and welfare reform at home, while improving trade links abroad, says the BBC's Hywel Griffith in Sydney.

He was known for his concern for Australia's vulnerable, once declaring that he wanted to create a country where there were "no second-class Australians". He created Australia's universal healthcare system - Medicare.

But the PM is also lauded by many for making radical market reforms - including floating the Australian dollar.

"Among his proudest achievements were large increases in the proportion of children finishing high school, his role in ending apartheid in South Africa, and his successful international campaign to protect Antarctica from mining," the statement from his family said.

It added that he "abhorred racism and bigotry" and "foresaw the Asian Century".

Tributes are pouring in for a man who was highly popular with the Australian public and led Labor to four election victories.

Former Labor PM Kevin Rudd tweeted that he was "a giant of Australian politics".

Australian actor Russell Crowe described him as a "great man who never lost his humility":

Bob Hawke's death comes days before Australians go to the polls in a federal election.

His former rival and the man who succeeded him as Labor leader and prime minister, Paul Keating, said that the pair had enjoyed a "great partnership".

"What remains and what will endure from that partnership are the monumental foundations of modern Australia," he said.

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https://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-48293956

2019-05-16 10:17:08Z
52780298031897

2019 election: Why politics is toxic for Australia’s women - BBC News

Australian women in politics have had enough.

A slew of allegations of sexist bullying and misogyny have emerged in recent years, while at the same time the country has steadily tumbled down the global rankings for female political representation.

Australia has tended to favour "larrikin" and "aggressor" MPs who thrive in the "rough-and-tumble" atmosphere of Canberra. But women MPs are increasingly saying that's a culture in dire need of change.

As the country prepares to go to the polls on Saturday, the BBC looks at what's come to be known as the "women problem" in Australian politics.

Sarah Hanson-Young was 25 when she won a seat in Australia's Senate in 2007, the youngest woman ever to do so.

The Greens member has always been a forthright voice on progressive issues and women's rights, but she has spoken extensively about how this was against a backdrop of mutterings from male opponents "about my dress, my body, and my supposed sex life".

She had largely ignored them, choosing the well-trodden path of rising above it all. But an exchange in parliament last year proved the final straw.

It happened during a debate on women's safety following a murder which shocked the nation. A young comedian walking home late at night had been killed by a stranger.

Ms Hanson-Young said women wouldn't need extra protection if men didn't rape them.

In response, an older male senator called out: "You should stop shagging men, Sarah."

Liberal Democrat Senator David Leyonhjelm - known for revelling in his controversial remarks - refused to apologise when confronted by Ms Hanson-Young, who is divorced with a child. He instead repeated his comments and other explicit claims in TV and radio interviews.

He accused her of hypocrisy. She accused him of "slut-shaming" - where slurs about a women's alleged sexual activities are used to demean or silence her.

Ms Hanson-Young said her 11-year-old daughter was asked at school whether her mum had "lots of boyfriends".

"I decided at that moment I'd had enough of men in that place using sexism and sexist slurs, sexual innuendo as part of their intimidation and bullying on the floor of the parliament," the senator said in a later interview.

She is suing Mr Leyonhjelm for defamation, on the grounds that he had attacked her character by suggesting she was a hypocrite and a misandrist (man-hater), and by repeatedly accusing her of making the claim that all men were rapists. Mr Leyonhjelm has consistently denied defaming her.

Ms Hanson-Young says she took the action because she is in a powerful enough position to do so whereas many women who encounter such comments at work are not.

"If we can't clean it up in our nation's parliament, well, where can we do it?"

'Suffered in silence for too long'

Australian politics is known to be rambunctious, with plain speaking considered a national trait.

But female lawmakers say the comments and treatment they receive can often be explicitly gendered in nature, can border on abuse or intimidation and do not happen to their male counterparts.

When one woman sensationally quit the ruling Liberal-led government last year, she sparked something of a groundswell revolt.

Australia, a hotspot of political coups, had just witnessed Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull's ousting by party rivals. Julia Banks felt she had to act after experiencing the vicious infighting.

She pointed the finger at the "scourge of cultural and gender bias, bullying and intimidation" saying: "Women have suffered in silence for too long."

She was later backed up by other women in the government, including the party's deputy Julie Bishop who described "appalling" behaviour. One female senator threatened to name bullies, while the Minister for Women Kelly O'Dwyer confirmed allegations of bullying and intimidation.

The Liberal women have scotched suggestions that they're just not up to the "rough-and-tumble" of politics, as one of their male colleagues put it.

"The hallmark characteristics of the Australian woman… are resilience and a strong authentic independent spirit," blazed Ms Banks as she moved to the crossbench.

For her, it's proof that it's time for parliamentary culture to change. And that the only way to do that is "equal representation of men and women in this parliament".

Representation fight

When it comes to gender diversity, Australia's parliament is flagging.

Women - crucially, excluding indigenous Australians and most women of colour - first won the right to run in federal elections in 1902. But it took four decades - and 29 other countries do it first - before Australian women would actually win seats.

Female representation in Australia's parliament

Percentage of women in each chamber

They have always won more in the Senate because, say experts, it uses proportional voting by state - whereas the lower house has distinct electorates.

The current parliament has reached an all-time high for percentage of women MPs.

But when it comes to its international standing, Australia has fallen behind. In the past 20 years it's slumped from 15th in the world to 50th for parliamentary gender diversity.

Overall, that's partly due to a lack of pressure on both parties, says Dr Jill Sheppard, a political scientist at the Australian National University.

A recent Australian Broadcasting Corporation survey found significant support among women - though not men - for measures to improve the deficit.

Labor has such a mechanism. It introduced an affirmative action quota in 1994 and is now close to 50% representation - about double the proportion of women in the government. At Saturday's election, women will contest 31% of its safe seats, according to election analyst Ben Raue.

The Liberal-National coalition may even see a dip in female representation, some analysts say. The coalition has put up women in only 16% of its safe seats, Mr Raue says.

"The Liberal Party is the drag here," says Dr Sheppard, when asked about the nation's fall in global diversity rankings.

She says the party tends to view its successful women "as almost unicorns - tremendous women who can't be replicated".

The party is seeking parity by 2025, but it is ideologically resistant to the idea of mandatory quotas and wants change to happen more organically.

"We don't want to see women rise only on the basis of others doing worse," said party leader and Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, in a speech on International Women's Day.

He drew considerable criticism for the remarks, which were seen as implying men shouldn't lose out to allow women to move up.

Targeted at the top

This is not a new issue for women in Canberra.

Natasha Stott Despoja joined parliament in 1995 at age 26, when women made up just 14% of the room.

In her 13 years as a senator, during which she became leader of the Australian Democrats, sexism was "endemic" in the political culture, she says.

"It ranged from male senators saying to me 'you really should wear skirts' to another senator referring to me only as 'mother' once I had children," she told the BBC.

After leaving parliament, she went on to be Australia's representative advancing women's rights around the world. She observed other nations' progress while watching the harassment continue at home.

"The single biggest disappointment for me has been the slow pace of change," she says.

Many thought Australia had turned a corner when Julia Gillard became the first female prime minister in 2010.

Ms Gillard achieved many reforms in a tough three years of minority government. But her seizure of the top job - ousting Kevin Rudd in a party coup - haunted her reputation and public legitimacy.

Opponents and some media regularly portrayed her as a Lady Macbeth figure - a characterisation that invokes latent fears about ambitious women. Debate over policies like a contentious carbon tax often degenerated into personal and gendered attacks.

She was "routinely demonised" for being unmarried and "childless" in office, say Associate Prof Cheryl Collier from the University of Windsor and Associate Prof Tracey Raney from Ryerson University, both in Canada.

Such terms "are rarely if ever used to describe male heads of state", they say in a 2018 report which compared the treatment of women MPs in Australia, UK and Canada.

Throughout her time in power the prime minister was called by her critics and opponents:

  • "a lying cow"
  • "a menopausal monster"
  • "deliberately barren"
  • a "bitch" and "Ju-liar"

The fixation with her appearance at times was unashamedly lewd - a Liberal party fundraising dinner included a "Julia Gillard" menu item with explicit references to parts of her body. It also descended into violent imagery - one TV commentator said Australians "ought to be out there kicking her to death". Another high-profile radio host said she should be "put into a chaff bag and thrown into the sea".

The academics suggest the vitriol was so intense because Ms Gillard challenged the Australian stereotype of a good leader.

"Even women who have reached the top of the political ladder are working within an institution that privileges masculinity," say Prof Collier and Prof Raney.

In 2012, Ms Gillard confronted the sexist, misogynistic attacks in a searing speech in parliament. It reverberated around the world, and to this day girls in Young Labor can quote it like a chant.

Media playback is unsupported on your device

But in her final speech as prime minister, after she had been removed by her party, she was stoic about the impact her gender had had on her time in office.

"It doesn't explain everything, it doesn't explain nothing, it explains some things. And it is for the nation to think in a sophisticated way about those shades of grey."

Leadership ideals

So is the problem just how things are done in parliament, or is it a wider issue about Australian culture?

It's telling that the most senior female politicians in the past decade - Ms Gillard from Labor and Julie Bishop, a former Liberal deputy - do not have children.

In a country the size of Australia, parliamentary life for MPs based far from Canberra is especially taxing on families, a challenge which tends to be particularly hard for women to overcome.

In the past year, several MPs - including Ms O'Dwyer but also a male MP - left parliament saying the job was incompatible with family life.

But Dr Sonia Palmieri, a gender politics researcher at the 50/50 by 2030 Foundation - which wants to "achieve gender parity in leadership" - says unacknowledged bias remains the fundamental problem.

"Our system always seems to assume that our political actors are gender neutral - when in fact they revolve around standards which are masculine and of course that excludes and shuts out women," she says.

Dr Palmieri argues this is partly because of specific notions of good political leadership in Australia.

She suggests there are roughly two types of accepted leader styles.

The first is the idea of the "larrikin" politician, a unique Australian term for a boisterous person - usually a man - whose bad behaviour is excused as disregard for convention.

Larrikins are seen as endearing in Australian culture, argues Dr Palmieri. There remains a cultural fascination with leaders such Prime Minister Bob Hawke - who could famously down a beer in seconds, and joked that the nation's workers deserved a day off after a landmark sporting victory.

The second accepted leader is the aggressor - the acerbic politician revered for their ability to cut down the other side in parliamentary debate.

Prime ministers such as Paul Keating and Tony Abbott were noted for their attacking rhetoric in parliamentary debates although their styles widely differed.

Larrikins and aggro fit within the wider stereotypes of Australian identity, says political researcher Blair Williams from the Australian National University.

"We have these models of football players, surf lifesavers, that sort of blokey masculinity that someone like Tony Abbott definitely displayed. But it leaves women out."

Aggression and even ambition are seen as unbecoming in women, says Dr Palmieri.

She too points to Ms Gillard, who was not only attacked for how she attained power - despite previous male leaders having seized control that way - but then wasn't given the opportunity to show a different model of leadership to the public.

Some have also pointed out double standards in the treatment of Emma Husar, a Labor MP forced to resign last year after a news story made a salacious sexual harassment claim.

The report broke mistreatment claims, but focused on the MP's sex life.

Ms Husar, a single mother, later said the "slut-shaming smears" ended her career. Her party asked her to step down less than two days after the report, she said.

A subsequent Labor investigation found no evidence of sexual harassment, but said "complaints that staff were subjected to unreasonable management… have merit".

More on Australia's election:

Dr Sheppard says both major parties are held back by traditional assumptions about women.

Party organisers fast-track men to office while "throwing obstacles in the path of women candidates", she says.

"They're not doing it deliberately, rather they're acting on decades of ingrained behaviour and what they're used to." Men are just seen as the safer option.

However, her research shows that women are very electable. Her survey of more than 2,000 Australians in 2018 found that when other markers were equal, women candidates were actually more popular than men.

She refers to Scandinavian countries when she suggests that women in politics will become normalised once levels reach 30-40%. This is already the case for Labor, she says, while the Liberal party "has another 20 years to go".

"We're not there yet, but what are seeing in Australia is quite rapid generational shift.

"I hope in 15 to 20 years, it won't even be talked about as an issue."

'You need to be a bit brave'

Does this give hope to young women aspiring to enter politics?

In her school years Megan Stevens, 19 harboured ambitions of a career in parliament and is now studying politics at the University of Melbourne.

But increasingly she feels that she would be "more comfortable" working behind the scenes as a political staffer.

"How they treated Julia Gillard really put me off," she says.

The same goes for Liliana Tai, the University of Sydney student union president and a debating champion who interned at parliament over the summer.

She says pursuing a career in "real" politics is an almost overwhelming prospect.

Ms Tai fears that the cultural change needed to allow someone like her, a young, Chinese-Australian woman, to become an elected representative "may not be achieved in our lifetime".

"People think of leaders as what they're familiar with and what they know and historically that's been predominantly male, predominantly Anglo people," she says.

She believes that both parties still cater towards stereotypes in selecting candidates.

"I think they fixate so much on electability that they prioritise what they think people want and that leads to a pernicious cycle of not having change."

"But you need to be a bit brave, and go out on a limb and give that new person a chance."

Last year, the failed leadership bid by the government's most powerful woman, Julie Bishop, proved to Ms Tai that merit isn't enough.

Ms Bishop was deputy to four successive male party leaders over 11 years. An MP for two decades, she also served as Australia's first female foreign minister.

But she resigned from the front bench last year after losing a leadership battle to Scott Morrison. Her prospects were dashed by colleagues who tactically voted to keep another man out.

The Australian Financial Review called her: "The female Prime Minister who never was".

On the day of her resignation, she wore scarlet heels.

Whatever the politics of the events, a photograph of the lavish shoes, amid a sea of brogues and dark suits, became an iconic image of a lone woman cut out of power.

Australia's Museum of Democracy later exhibited the shoes, along with the photo, which they said were "a bold statement and a symbol of solidarity and empowerment among Australian women".

Ms Tai says she also took some hope from Ms Bishop's departure.

She mentions her final parliamentary speech, where the outgoing MP said public office was "one of the highest callings".

"I really resonated with that because that's what I believe too," says Ms Tai.

"Being in parliament is still the best way to represent people and bring about change."

Edited by Jay Savage and Anna Jones

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https://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-48197145

2019-05-16 09:36:47Z
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