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South African-born Australian resident Jordan Fox has announced her commitment to Wayne State University where she will swim and study towards an Accounting major beginning in the fall of 2019.
Fox currently swims for Bayside Swimming Club, based in Victoria, Australia. She excels in backstroke and freestyle and favors the 200s. She was runner-up in the B final of the 200m back at the 2019 Australian Swimming Championships, going a PB of 2:15.63. At the same meet she finished 15th overall in the 100m back with 1:04.62, again notching a best time. She also went lifetime bests in the 50 back and 200 free at in Adelaide.
Fox has been a member of Swimming Victoria’s Performance Squad since 2017. She was part of the team that won the Victoria state grammar schools’ swimming championships for 5 consecutive years and captained the team in the 5th year. She was also the 2017-2018 captain of the Mentone Grammar School girls’ swim team and received the award for the “Best Team Member for Leadership, Determination and Service” in 2018.
Consistently ranked as a Top 10 swimmer in her age group in the state of Victoria for the past 4 seasons, her best LCM times include:
50 back – 30.82 (27.22 in SCY)
100 back – 1:04.62 (57.13 in SCY)
200 back – 2:15.63 (2:00.02 in SCY)
200 free – 2:08.81 (1:53.16 in SCY)
Fox will integrate Wayne State’s strong backstroke group led by rising senior Ashlen Michalski, who placed 13th in the 100 back and 10th in the 200 back at 2019 NCAA Division II Championships.
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"I'm ok, yeah, I'm good, I'm very good," Mr Sigley is seen saying on footage reportedly showing his arrival in Beijing, according to Australian media.
The 29-year-old's father later told local news outlets that their family was "over the moon that he is safe and sound".
"Last week has been very difficult... we're just happy that the situation has been resolved. He tried to ring me a few minutes ago, I will talk to him some time today," Gary Sigley told local outlets outside their family home in Perth.
News of Mr Sigley's release was announced by Mr Morrison to parliament on Thursday. He said it was the result of "discreet, behind the scenes work of officials in resolving complex and sensitive consular cases".
"We are pleased to announce that Mr Alek Sigley has today been released from detention in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). He is safe and well." Mr Morrison said.
He said Swedish authorities had met with senior officials from the DPRK on Wednesday and "raised the issue of Alek's disappearance on Australia's behalf".
"I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to the Swedish authorities for their invaluable assistance."
Sweden is one of few Western countries that have an embassy in North Korea and often acts as an intermediary for countries that don't.
'Discreet diplomacy'
Hywel Griffith, BBC News Sydney correspondent
The relief felt by Alek Sigley's family, and many others across Australia, is obvious.
With no embassy in Pyongyang and no direct contact with North Korea, the Australian government was left to depend on the good-will of others to help find him. Prime Minister Scott Morrison was glowing in his praise for the way in which Swedish officials worked to secure his release.
Clearly there were concerns that publicly confronting North Korea would prove provocative and potentially harmful to Mr Sigley. Instead, careful and discreet diplomacy got the desired result.
Of course, we do not know what, if anything, was offered in return. But for now the focus is on celebrating that he is safe and well.
Who is Alek Sigley?
Mr Sigley was one of very few foreigners living in North Korea.
Originally from Perth, for the past year he had been pursuing a degree in Korean literature at Kim Il-sung University.
He also ran a business providing tours for Western tourists visiting the totalitarian, communist state.
In March, he described himself as "the only Australian living in North Korea" in a piece published by The Guardian.
Last week, his family and friends lost contact with him, sparking fears he might have been detained.
Several foreigners have previously been detained in North Korea, sometimes for illegally entering the country or for what Pyongyang terms "hostile criminal acts against the state".
"I'm ok, yeah, I'm good, I'm very good," Mr Sigley is seen saying on footage reportedly showing his arrival in Beijing, according to Australian media.
The 29-year-old's father later told local news outlets that their family was "over the moon that he is safe and sound".
"Last week has been very difficult... we're just happy that the situation has been resolved. He tried to ring me a few minutes ago, I will talk to him some time today," Gary Sigley told local outlets outside their family home in Perth.
News of Mr Sigley's release was announced by Mr Morrison to parliament on Thursday. He said it was the result of "discreet, behind the scenes work of officials in resolving complex and sensitive consular cases".
"We are pleased to announce that Mr Alek Sigley has today been released from detention in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). He is safe and well." Mr Morrison said.
He said Swedish authorities had met with senior officials from the DPRK on Wednesday and "raised the issue of Alek's disappearance on Australia's behalf".
"I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to the Swedish authorities for their invaluable assistance."
Sweden is one of few Western countries that have an embassy in North Korea and often acts as an intermediary for countries that don't.
'Discreet diplomacy'
Hywel Griffith, BBC News Sydney correspondent
The relief felt by Alek Sigley's family, and many others across Australia, is obvious.
With no embassy in Pyongyang and no direct contact with North Korea, the Australian government was left to depend on the good-will of others to help find him. Prime Minister Scott Morrison was glowing in his praise for the way in which Swedish officials worked to secure his release.
Clearly there were concerns that publicly confronting North Korea would prove provocative and potentially harmful to Mr Sigley. Instead, careful and discreet diplomacy got the desired result.
Of course, we do not know what, if anything, was offered in return. But for now the focus is on celebrating that he is safe and well.
Who is Alek Sigley?
Mr Sigley was one of very few foreigners living in North Korea.
Originally from Perth, for the past year he had been pursuing a degree in Korean literature at Kim Il-sung University.
He also ran a business providing tours for Western tourists visiting the totalitarian, communist state.
In March, he described himself as "the only Australian living in North Korea" in a piece published by The Guardian.
Last week, his family and friends lost contact with him, sparking fears he might have been detained.
Several foreigners have previously been detained in North Korea, sometimes for illegally entering the country or for what Pyongyang terms "hostile criminal acts against the state".
"I'm ok, yeah, I'm good, I'm very good," Mr Sigley is seen saying on footage reportedly showing his arrival in Beijing, according to Australian media.
The 29-year-old's father later told local news outlets that their family was "over the moon that he is safe and sound".
"Last week has been very difficult... we're just happy that the situation has been resolved. He tried to ring me a few minutes ago, I will talk to him some time today," Gary Sigley told local outlets outside their family home in Perth.
News of Mr Sigley's release was announced by Mr Morrison to parliament on Thursday. He said it was the result of "discreet, behind the scenes work of officials in resolving complex and sensitive consular cases".
"We are pleased to announce that Mr Alek Sigley has today been released from detention in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). He is safe and well." Mr Morrison said.
He said Swedish authorities had met with senior officials from the DPRK on Wednesday and "raised the issue of Alek's disappearance on Australia's behalf".
"I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to the Swedish authorities for their invaluable assistance."
Sweden is one of few Western countries that have an embassy in North Korea and often acts as an intermediary for countries that don't.
'Discrete diplomacy'
Hywel Griffith, BBC News Sydney correspondent
The relief felt by Alek Sigley's family, and many others across Australia, is obvious.
With no embassy in Pyongyang and no direct contact with North Korea, the Australian government was left to depend on the good-will of others to help find him. Prime Minister Scott Morrison was glowing in his praise for the way in which Swedish officials worked to secure his release.
Clearly there were concerns that publicly confronting North Korea would prove provocative and potentially harmful to Mr Sigley. Instead, careful and discrete diplomacy got the desired result.
Of course, we do not know what, if anything, was offered in return. But for now the focus is on celebrating that he is safe and well.
Who is Alek Sigley?
Mr Sigley was one of very few foreigners living in North Korea.
Originally from Perth, for the past year he had been pursuing a degree in Korean literature at Kim Il-sung University.
He also ran a business providing tours for Western tourists visiting the totalitarian, communist state.
In March, he described himself as "the only Australian living in North Korea" in a piece published by The Guardian.
Last week, his family and friends lost contact with him, sparking fears he might have been detained.
Several foreigners have previously been detained in North Korea, sometimes for illegally entering the country or for what Pyongyang terms "hostile criminal acts against the state".
Facilities at the Manus Island Regional Processing Centre, used for the detention of asylum-seekers who arrive by boat, are pictured on Oct. 16, 2012, in Papua New Guinea.
Australian Department of Immigration and Citizenship via Getty Images.
Australia’s asylum policies—which see asylum-seekers languishing for years under inhumane conditions in offshore detention centers in Papua New Guinea and Nauru—are already a source of great shame for many Australians. Widely condemned by human rights groups and the United Nations, the policies contravene various human rights charters, including the 1951 Refugee Convention and even the Convention Against Torture. A U.N. report called on Australia to close the offshore centers, finding “inadequate mental health services, serious safety concerns and instances of assault, sexual abuse, self-harm and suspicious deaths; and about reports that harsh conditions compelled some asylum seekers to return to their country of origin despite the risks that they face there.” Just last week, a former detainee who spent six years on Manus Island begged the U.N. Human Rights Council to hold Australia to account, calling the centers—not just the circumstances they were fleeing—a humanitarian crisis.
But when Donald Trump—the U.S. president whose administration separates children from their families to deter asylum-seekers—says there is much to be learned from Australia’s immigration policies, it’s a fresh reminder of just how bad things have become.
On his way to a working dinner with newly reelected Prime Minister Scott Morrison at the G-20 summit in Japan last week, Trump tweeted out four Australian government flyers, noting that “much can be learned” from them:
These anti-asylum posters, which are no longer in use, were created by the Australian government in 2014, back when Morrison (who at one point had been in charge of encouraging people to come to the country, as director of Tourism Australia) was immigration and border protection minister. One displays a small boat on rough open waters, with a message echoing beloved quasi-anthem “I Still Call Australia Home” in warning, “NO WAY. YOU WILL NOT MAKE AUSTRALIA HOME.” The unwelcome posters were just one of Australia’s many controversial advertising campaigns aimed at deterring refugees from attempting to reach Australia’s shores by boat by convincing them the journey would not end in refuge. Australia has invested heavily in such campaigns, which over the years have included videos and even graphic novels depicting detainees in distress, showing off the cruelty they will face if they come. Critics such as former Greens immigration spokesperson Sarah Hanson-Young have labeled the campaigns “fearmongering propaganda”—they are, like much of Australia’s immigration policy, heartless.
It’s not the first time Trump has praised Australia’s hard-line policies: In 2017, then–Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull was attempting to convince Trump to uphold a deal negotiated under the Obama administration for the U.S. to resettle detained asylum-seekers who had been attempting to reach Australia. When Turnbull explained Australia’s policy of not accepting those who seek asylum via boat, Trump reportedly told him, “We should do that too. You are worse than I am.”
Trump is reportedly a fan of Turnbull’s successor, Morrison, repeatedly comparing his recent surprise upset to his own (and, of course, declaring that he saw it coming). It’s not clear where Trump saw the Morrison posters, but they seem to represent a friendly little tip from one tough-on-borders leader to another, just as the image of a drowned Salvadoran migrant father and daughter made headlines around the globe.
The lesson Trump presumably wants to draw from these posters is how better to deter people from seeking asylum—something those people have every right to do under international law. As Trump said when he saw the viral image from the U.S. border, “A very very dangerous journey. And by the way many other things happened. Women being raped; women being raped in numbers nobody believed.” The Australian government often justifies its cruelty as a deterrent: to discourage refugees from making the “very very dangerous journey” by sea by making it clear that they will never be settled in Australia, and will suffer greatly if they try to be. It’s for their own good, the government says while simultaneously stoking fears of a flood of boats making their way to Australia if they weaken their system even slightly—punishment in the name of protection.
As Kon Karapanagiotidis—founder and CEO of the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre and one of the most outspoken refugee advocates in Australia—laid out in a reply to Trump’s tweet, there is a swath of horrors to learn from Australia, if abject cruelty and maximum suffering are what you’re aiming for.
The most obvious thing for the U.S. to learn from Australia is not to go down this path. This should be obvious enough, from the list Karapanagiotidis shared, from the conditions these human beings live under with no end in sight.
The most obvious thing for the U.S. to learn from Australia is not to go down thispath.
But there is an especially acute lesson to take away from this about not allowing cruelty to become normalized. Just like in the United States, this has been an incremental slide for Australia. Many of the asylum-seekers who try to reach Australia attempt to come by boat via Southeast Asia. Mandatory detention of these migrants for the assessment of “unlawful arrivals,” implemented in the early ’90s by a Labor government with a 273-day limit, soon became offshore detention. The 2000s conservative coalition government implemented the “Pacific Solution,” interning asylum-seekers on nearby island nations instead. Temporary detention soon became seemingly permanent, with a later coalition government declaring that no asylum-seeker who arrives by boat will ever be allowed to live in Australia, regardless of the legitimacy of her claim. (The only options for detainees are to return to their home countries, something they are often pressured to do, or wait for a resettlement deal to be negotiated.) The system has become increasingly secretive, with the media unable to access the camps, and those working within them facing jail time if they leak information.
Many Australians object to the detention centers, but system is now so ingrained in the country’s politics that it’s difficult to see an end to it. Both sides of political spectrum support the general principle of offshore detention, with the left-wing Labor Party now unwilling to drift too far from this new “norm,” lest it be labeled weak on border security. Having backed itself into a corner, the government now has to convince other nations to take its detainees in order to free them—something the U.S. is taking part in under refugee exchanges, although it has rejected up to 300 so far.
It’s not too late for the U.S. to avoid this path. As Jason Wilson wrote in the Guardian just a few days before Trump drew the comparison, “Australia’s camps are now baked into its national politics. … The longer that they are in place in the US, Italy and elsewhere, the more likely it is that in those countries, too, they will become permanent features of the political landscape.”
At first, the U.S. left seemed to be doing a good job at this—something Australia could learn from. The left rallied fiercely against the Trump administration family separation policy when it first came out that children were being kept in detention facilities, forcing Trump to sign a June 2018 executive order putting an end to the practice. At the time, the hearteningly effective use of protest made me sad about Australia’s own failure to mobilize effectively or early enough against its now-ingrained inhumane policies.
However, after Trump signed the executive order, returning many traumatized children to their families, that outrage seemed to simmer out—despite hundreds of children remaining in detention. Recent weeks have seen the issue reenter the public consciousness, with the discovery that many more children were separated than first thought, and an inspection of a Clint, Texas, detainment center revealing appalling conditions. There has been a renewed push, led by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, to again label these kinds of camps “concentration camps,” which, accurate or not, has reenergized opposition to them and turned the facilities into a central issue for 2020 Democratic candidates. But outrage fatigue is real, and the second rarely matches the first. Australia may be beyond the capacity to feel outrage at this point, with reports of a mental health crisis—dozens of detainee suicide attempts and acts of self-harm since the unexpected reelection of Australia’s conservative government in May—barely moving the needle.
There are also lessons for the U.S. media to be taken from Australia. It is essential that journalists keep reporting on and scrutinizing the horrific conditions in these detention facilities and keep finding ways to get the message across. But perhaps most importantly, they need to fight any efforts to impose laws or policies banning access to the centers for journalists and advocates, as the Australian government did in 2015, passing the draconian Australian Border Force Act, which made it a criminal offense for whistleblowers to reveal anything that happens in the detention centers to the media. Journalists have little access themselves, with the Pacific nations that house Australia’s detention centers refusing almost all journalist visa requests—something that Australia is believed to have had a hand in. For the most part, all the Australian public now gets from inside these camps are rare leaked recordings and the Twitter feeds of prominent detainees. Australian journalists and advocates fought this law, and I don’t mean to demean or question their efforts here. But it’s important for the U.S. media to take heed. Images and reports have proved incredibly potent in swaying public opinion, and so, from Trump’s perspective, a lesson here might be to implement something similar.
There are lessons, too, for Democrats to learn from Australia’s major left party, the Labor Party, not to bow to public pressure to be “strong” and “tough” on border control. Despite recent efforts to provide some relief, in the form of a bill allowing for the temporary transfer of detainees to Australia for medical or psychiatric treatment passed in Parliament with the support of Labor and a number of independents, Labor has proved spineless on the issue, with mandatory offshore detention now more or less a bipartisan policy.
Many in the party may oppose the practice, but overall, Labor is afraid to differentiate itself from the right, lest it be labeled weak on national security—something the coalition has attempted to do in the wake of Labor showing the smallest ounce of compassion in helping pass the medical transfer bill. Democrats need to decide how they intend to fight this system, rather than just try to alleviate some of the suffering it creates. Some argue that billions in emergency funding for the southern border only props up the system, advancing a fundamentally inhumane set of policies.
Trump’s desire to “learn” from a horrific policy that has been repeatedly slammed by the U.N. Human Rights Council is hardly surprising. But for once, he’s right—in a sense. There are many lessons to be learned from Australia. The most important? Take note of them before a system becomes seemingly too ingrained to do much about it.
FILE PHOTO: The logo for the Commonwealth Bank of Australia adorns their head office in central Sydney
By Paulina Duran
SYDNEY (Reuters) - Australian bank earnings are getting squeezed by the central bank's move to cut the cash rate to a record low 1%, analysts and investors say, as it gets harder to reduce deposit rates to offset the cheaper mortgages they must now offer borrowers.
Shares of the so-called Big Four banks fell between 0.73% and 1.2% in the 24 hours following Tuesday's cut, underperforming an otherwise rising market.
Commonwealth Bank of Australia, the biggest of the four, is seen as one of the most susceptible because it has the largest deposit book and cannot drop rates much lower to its existing customers.
"It is bad for their earnings, and that's mostly because they have a very large deposit book paying near zero rates, which doesn't go down any more," said Simon Mawhinney, chief investment officer at fund manager Allan Gray.
"So the cost of funds tends to stay more or less fixed, but their interest income falls with the rate cuts."
On Tuesday, the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) lowered the cash rate by 25 basis points, the second easing in two months to support an economy forecast to grow at its slowest pace in a decade.
The cut will reduce the bank's margins by about 3 basis points and cut earnings by up to 2.5% for the current financial year, according to Morgan Stanley. Each bank, however, does its best to try and hedge this impact by investing in longer-dated bonds. The lenders' profits took a hit last year from weak credit growth, and charges to cover hefty legal bills and remediation costs linked to widespread wrongdoing in the sector.
In an attempt to protect margins, three of Australia's four biggest lenders resisted public pressure to pass on the central bank rate cut in full to mortgage customers, although the strategy risks triggering a public rebuke from the government.
At the same time, banks tended not to drop interest rates on savings and deposit accounts by the full quarter of a percent.
Following a bank share rally last month driven by relief a change of government would not cut tax incentives for property buyers, investors and analysts are now reining in their earnings expectations.
This is particularly so now that the RBA has hinted it is open to a third rate cut this year as it attempts to revive the country's sluggish economy.
"Rate cuts typically happen at the point of the cycle when the economy is quite weak and credit growth is low," said Mawhinney.
"So rate cuts are bad, all round, for banks."
JP Morgan banking analysts told clients on Wednesday in a note that given ANZ had passed on the full benefit of the cut to borrowers, its earnings would now be lowered by about 2%.
It warned that any further rate cuts would require the banks to hold back much more because "saver base rates have hit their lower bound".
(Reporting by Paulina Duran in SYDNEY; Editing by Shri Navaratnam)
Other passengers and staff at the Sydenham Station in Sydney were quick to jump into action to rescue the boy, according to Australia's 9News.
The frightening incident reportedly happened in February, but the country's transport ministry released the footage this week in an effort to warn adults to pay close attention to kids during summer break.
“One split second lapse in concentration could see the loss of life of a child and we don't want to see that,” Andrew Constance, the transport minister, said.
Children slipping between the train and platform isn't a rare occurrence. According to the news outlet, nearly 70 children fell through such a gap at train stations in Australia during the past year alone.
